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ANDRES KRAAS An attempt to undermine the Estonian Constitution

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21.12.2020, Tallinn. Presentation of the annotated edition of the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia at the chancellor of justice's residence. The photo is for illustrative purposes.
21.12.2020, Tallinn. Presentation of the annotated edition of the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia at the chancellor of justice's residence. The photo is for illustrative purposes. Photo: Madis Veltman / Postimees
  • The current constitutional amendment proposal poses a serious threat to our nation-state
  • Entirely sufficient for the constitution to clearly define who is eligible to vote and from what age
  • In Estonia, supreme political authority is vested in the people, who have the right to decide

The constitution is the foundational document of the state, and its amendment must never become yet another political game of poker, the consequences of which could be disastrous for Estonia, historian Andres Kraas (Isamaa) writes.

Changes to the constitution must stem solely from the will of the people and national necessity, not from partisan delusions or communist internationalist ideas. Considering the ongoing disputes surrounding the constitution and listening to the rhetoric of left-wing parties, it seems this principle has been abandoned.

Leaving aside the Together party, which is a subject of interest to the Internal Security Service (ISS), and the Center Party, as they appear increasingly detached from the Republic of Estonia and its citizens. All the more curious, then, is that the Social Democrats have leapt to defend these parties' worldviews, even managing to take other coalition members hostage.

It is hard to say whether the Social Democrats' tampering with the constitution is mere folly or part of a more sinister plan to undermine Estonia's statehood. Either way, the current constitutional amendment project under discussion in the parliament appears not only grotesque but also destructive to our nation-state.

The stated goal—to revoke voting rights in local elections solely from citizens of Russia and Belarus—is entirely misleading. It would leave voting rights intact for citizens of authoritarian states like China, North Korea, Kazakhstan, and many others that support Putin's regime, rendering the noble intentions of the constitutional change laughable. Aggressor states are numerous, and the list grows daily. Are we seriously planning to amend our constitution repeatedly to redefine «aggression» or react to individual incidents?

Do we even need to introduce so many restrictions into our laws? This bad practice seems designed to make life easier for the incumbent government. Prohibitions, eliminations, and negations tarnish the state's reputation. It suffices for the constitution to precisely define who can vote and at what age.

In Estonia's case, only citizens of the Republic of Estonia and permanent residents who are citizens of the EU or, if necessary, NATO member states should vote in local elections. Period. No further extensions, now or in the future! The constitution is the state's birth certificate, not a political undergarment to be repeatedly altered, patched, and washed clean.

Voting is a privilege, and I see no indication that stateless, non-Estonian-speaking migrants shuttling back and forth to Russia have done anything to earn it.

Thus, it is unacceptable that at a time when global conflicts escalate daily, with security threats increasing exponentially, the Social Democratic Party and the Center Party are attempting to push through a bill in the parliament that would enshrine voting rights for stateless persons in local elections indefinitely. According to ERR, as of January 1 this year, Estonia had 71,051 gray passport holders, to whom Putin granted visa-free travel to Russia years ago and for whom the Center Party and Social Democrats continue to fight tooth and nail to retain voting rights in Estonia's local elections.

Recent polls increasingly reveal a trend: if voting rights are revoked from Russian citizens, left-wing parties will rely almost entirely on the votes of non-Estonian speakers, whether they have citizenship or not. This explains why both parties are so committed to defending Russian-speaking voters. It appears the Social Democrats and the Center Party are willing to sacrifice Estonia's national interests for the votes of this electorate and even turn on each other in ruthless competition. The recent power grab in Narva—a spectacle reminiscent of a Soviet workers' commune—was part of this very same infernal pact with the devil.

The Center Party's and Social Democrats' Putin-like threats that depriving Russian-speakers who are not Estonian citizens of voting rights could endanger Estonia's security are nonsense. Equally absurd were the Social Democrats' proposals to the Estonian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to renounce the Moscow Patriarchate or conduct loyalty checks among Russian voters.

While the church must adhere to canonical hierarchy, voters in a free and democratic society are entirely free in their preferences. They can vote for anyone, even the devil's grandmother if they so wish. Restricting or monitoring this freedom would constitute a severe violation of human and civil rights, placing Estonia on par with dictatorial regimes. Is it possible that a party leader genuinely does not understand this?

Voting is a privilege, and I see no indication that stateless, non-Estonian-speaking migrants shuttling back and forth to Russia have done anything to earn it. Estonia has been independent for over thirty years, and anyone who values the Estonian state could have learned the language and acquired citizenship in that time. If they have not done so thus far, there is no reason for Estonia to hand them voting rights on a silver platter. Stateless persons have three options: pass the language exam and apply for Estonian citizenship, accept the situation, or leave Estonia.

Under no circumstances should Estonia's national interests be sacrificed for this group, as was done to maintain the bilingual school system. In the current wartime context, this could have irreversibly catastrophic consequences for Estonia's statehood. One can only hope that the parliament has the wisdom and statesmanship to ensure that stateless persons' voting rights remain excluded from the constitutional amendments. Otherwise, the opposition must decisively block this latest attempt at Russification.

It is better for these constitutional amendments, serving the interests of the Center Party, the Social Democrats, and proletarians of all nations, to remain unapproved by the parliament than for the entire country to become a copy of the Narva city council. In Estonia, supreme political authority is vested in the people, and if politicians fail, the people will decide on constitutional changes through a referendum!

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