Kidnapped OSCE observer helped by Soviet heritage

Priit Pullerits
, Postimees
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Photo: Erik Prozes / Postimees

Tõnis Asson, former military officer apprehended in Ukrainian crisis zone, thinks capture was part and parcel of big political games.

In his Tartu home, the OSCE observer Tõnis Asson, freed at end of last week after a month-long captivity, tells Postimees that the four of them made it by positive attitude and civil relations developed with captors.

What exactly were you doing, in Ukraine, prior to falling captive?

As, at the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis there were signs pointing to the crisis possibly escalating and spread wider than Kiev, Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the OSCE, member states decided to, starting in March, in order to halt escalation of the situation, send up to 500 observers to report what was happening and see that the parties keep their agreements. I applied and soon was replied by letter that, within 24 hours, I would have to tell them if I was coming. So I held talks with the family and decided to go. No, not for the €125 in daily allowance – that’s meant for catering, accommodation and other expenses –, but because I have kept an eye on the events in Ukraine and I have friends who have friends there; so I felt I was obliged to help along to keep the situation from getting out of control.

I went to Ukraine in the second half of April. To begin with, we were trained in Kiev; then, it was decided who goes to which part of the country. I was sent to the east, as I speak Russian. We patrolled the Donetsk Oblast, four-five of us. We went to the barricades, talked to people in the check points and administrative bodies, participated in the meetings. The main task was to get to know our domain, to communicate with all parties, get to know the key persons, and to report on all that was happening.

As the administrative buildings started to be taken over, it became obvious that things were getting very serious. And when, after that, in various ways they were doing their referendums and declared Lugansk and Donetsk Peoples’ Republics – these are vast areas with much industries and a total population of about seven million people –, then many people over there really thought they now had their own state.

Were you eyed suspiciously?

Yes, all the time, considering we were from an environment politically and ideologically different – the West. There, they have developed their own opinion about Western people that they are Americans and spies. When I told them that OSCE also includes several former Soviet republics, including Russia, and that the creation of it was even signed by Comrade Brezhnev, then during such arguments their Western model started to dim. Contacts were easier as I speak Russian and have lived for 30 years in the Soviet Union – from that, it was always good to proceed, so in time they arrived at their message. They told us how, after the Soviet Union collapsed, the state and collective farms were broken apart, everything was privatised, how the government in Kiev lived its own life and no one took an interest in them over here. For the people over there, it is very important for someone to communicate with them, listens to them, considers them. They told us how the economy went downhill, the hospitals and schools deteriorated, no kindergartens were added, even the monuments are falling apart; that then there was Maidan in Kiev, governmental buildings were seized, there were riots and turbulence, that the government in Kiev was not legitimate in their eyes as the president was forced from power and own ministers were set up. They were asking that if what was done in Kiev was legitimate, then why cannot they take over governmental buildings and set people in power whom they trust. In their entire conversation, the question was laid bare that how can events in Kiev be democratic and whatever is happening elsewhere is the opposite. This was the talk, constantly and everywhere. In dialogues like that, it is quite difficult to convince the opponents that things aren’t quite like what they think.

So the people there were hoping you would make their worries public?

Their talk always led to them having a hard time financially as unemployment was on the rise, establishments and enterprises were being closed down, corruption running rampant. It was important for them for us to report all of that. As observers, we are neutral; we have to hear all the conflicting parties out. Although all the talk cannot be taken at face value, there was a point of sorts in every message that they wanted to pass on.

Why then the need to apprehend you, as observers, when your activities were rather to the benefit, possibly, of the Eastern Ukrainian anti-government activists?

The issue was the overall background and attitudes. Their information-world is different. They have developed their own picture of the truth, and they are not prepared for a large international organisation coming there from the West. When they see you are from the West, you will have to prove that it will be to the benefit of all, and it takes a lot of time.

While we were patrolling, the situation in Ukraine intensified, armed conflicts begun, the game got bigger and more brutal, political layers were being heaped on. There came a moment when the time was ripe to draw more political attention to the crisis or to apply pressure or to send a message, so a couple of OSCE teams were apprehended. To this very day, I do not have an explicit answer to why they held us. This is not justified, it is illegal and inhuman; but I understand it – this is part of the game. Sure, there was behind it a plan to get something or to pressurise someone, as in a classical hostage drama there are demands and conditions set forth; even so, in this case these were not expresses – as far as we know.

Who were the men who took you captive? What nationality?

Nationality, here, isn’t the most important aspect. One might guess they were of various nationalities. Probably, they belonged to representations of some of the people’s republics, as they were operating on the territories of the people’s republics and were totally visible, not emerging from the dark and hiding in the shadows. They were players in the game – this, I think, would be the most neutral way of putting it.

If it was a game, then there was probably not much reason to fear for your lives, like with the guys held in Lebanon for instance [an earlier instance with Estonian hikers – edit]?

As you get apprehended, nobody will tell you for how long and what for. Nobody will say we will play a little bit, or that they are just kidding. You are told «we are clarifying the circumstances». We had been held in check points even before, and had to wait for longer periods or time while they clarified who we were. From certain territories, we had also been expelled and escorted out – either for our safety or not desiring to see us there. At times, we were threatened «not to come here anymore». This time, also, they said come with us and we will clarify. It hardly bothered us too much, as it was part of our job to be apprehended.

When did you smell trouble?

After we had been sitting for a long time and we were surrounded by armed individuals and were told that we’d be their guests until our release. You see: it has been explained to OSCE observers what might happen. Taking hostage is part of the parcel, so to speak. It may happen that the car is confiscated, that the documents and mobile phones are seized. In crisis zones, this is part of the game, so to say.

How much could you talk to your captors?

When guarded, one must always use the human factor. Every time a new guard came to watch over us or anybody turned to us asking who we were, I told them about OSCE and what we do and who benefits because of it. We tried to explain to them that our work is part of the political process – not that we descend upon an area like supermen and the conflict immediately gets solved. Quite a few of them told their story, why they took up arms: the economy is bad, the government lives a life of its own, infrastructure has not been developed, corruption is rampant. Some were miners, some carpenters, some were into car business, some were unemployed, one was even a pacifist. They said they had now set up a state of their own and were ready to defend it by arms, and to die for it.

You got along well, with the captors?

We had to come out of the accuser status, that we were taken by force and locked up. With a guy with an automatic weapon sitting in front of you, and the weapon is almost touching your chest, it’s a good idea to tell your story till the other guy opens up and starts telling his story.

In gaining contact with them, I drew on my Soviet heritage and life experience. Talking to them I made use of Soviet movie classics, the ones everyone knew. Since childhood, I have read a lot and seen lots of movies – that came in handy. So there was always something to talk about and easy to find common subjects, recalling the cute classical sayings that all Soviet people knew by heart.

24/7, we were being guarded by two hour shifts, the guards rotated a lot. There were times the guard was behind the door, at times he came over to talk, at times they did sit with us.

What did you think of your outlook?

After the initial days, we started to sense that as we were being held together, they were not aiming to break any of us, one by one, to make us sign some papers that we are on payrolls of all kinds of Western intelligence agencies. As we were being kept in normal conditions and fed quite well, not treated as enemies and we got our sleep, we dared to conclude that we were needed alive and well. After a couple of days they said don’t you worry, we will release you. Of course, that’s what all kidnappers probably are saying so the captives will not resist, do stupid things and try to run. It was obvious that the civil attitude of the guards would not have hindered anyone from obeying a criminal command, should the situation change.

But it was obvious there had to be some bigger political goal.

Did you ask them what it was?

Yes, we tried to, but we were told please understand it is a bigger case and don’t you worry. No guard acted hostile towards us. It would be easy, you see, to create a negative environment. I have served in the Soviet Army and do know how, with beatings and humiliation, a negative backdrop was created. Compared to this here, the Soviet Army was a lot rougher.

We had the elementary necessities covered: a sink, three litre glass jars to warm water in and to wash the clothes; we had a water heater, and never lacked tea and sugar. All of that is important to stay sane. For, if a person is locked up under threat of a gun into a room, feed him little, beat and torture and humiliate him, then I believe there may come a time when one loses one’s mind.

In your team it never happened, no one broke down?

For things to get that far, certain prerequisites would have been needed. For us, the opposite was the case, so we would not start to doubt our sanity, not to get messed up. Why were such circumstances created? By the rules of the game, I guess. And maybe also because we were normal ourselves, did not keep shouting our truth to the face of the guards all the time, did not try to grab the guns from them.

Never got the idea?

The idea may enter the head, when the guard is sitting down and the weapon is within your reach. Grabbing the gun is the smallest issue, a technical thing. The question is: what then? You must get out of the room; once outside, you need to get someplace, but there are other armed guys there.

But did you still have the thoughts of an escape?

It was more on the fantasy level, but we did discuss the options to bind the guard and try to run away. We were working through various scenarios, in case we were not going to be released within the first couple of months. I was preparing myself to nothing happening before end of July, as my Danish colleague said that in July the Western people are on vacation and no-one will be bothering about us.

How did the guards respond to your requests?

We politely asked for this, that and the other. One guard brought us four books, in Russian. I read them all and advised the Turk and the Swiss colleague to try and train their Russian language. Afterwards, they also brought us toothbrushes and toothpaste.

If I were to write an hostage ABC, I’d write: don’t cause tensions, don’t yell at the kidnapper, don’t make them angry and mad, try to communicate, try to understand why and where you are, think positively. I underlined to my team let’s not overdo with our requests, having to consider that the more we complicated the situation, the more negative attitudes we were going to generate towards ourselves. If we were to write a long list of requests, we would indeed show ourselves to be spoiled weaklings who cannot live without toothpaste. I told my companions: see, we do have a sink. And: do not pour hot water straight into the glass jar! We broke a couple of jars before they got it. Do not sit like this on that chair, it’s from 1957! See – you fell, as the legs got loose. Do not tinker with the lock on the door! As it happened, the Soviet cylinder lock got jarred, due to tinkering. Thus, a situation was generated where it was the guards that were locked up, from our point of view...

So your companions were more helpless?

No, I would not say a Westerner will not manage. But it is easier for him if he understands what is happening. One needs to think positively, no need to turn up the tension, descend into despair, bang the head against the wall. At times, they got pretty close to that: we have been caught, maybe they’ll shoot us. I said for that they would not need to hold us for so long and to feed us and to communicate normally with us, only to shoot us afterwards – even though that is never excluded in situations like that. In a critical situation, a change can happen very suddenly. To a degree, that’s what we feared the most, that today we are treated well but maybe tomorrow they’ll bring no more food, will be yelling at us and we’d be separated. Separation is the worst.

Also, there was the fear that maybe someone of us will make a move that will cost the entire team dearly. In order to avoid that, everything needs to be talked over – like, if one does run away, there’ll be a negative effect on the entire process.

Didn’t you fear that your NATO background will be discovered, but over there NATO is like a red rag to a bull?

I have served as Estonian state representative at NATO headquarters, but that will not make me some special NATO officer. All Estonian servicemen have NATO background and many of them are in OSCE. Also, the entire mission does have enough folks from NATO.

The mission is not over. Will you be back to Ukraine, soon?

I’m having a rest now; after that, I will have to go back to work, as my contract is till end of September.

After being held hostage, will you still be able to remain neutral?

An OSCE observer needs to be neutral, he cannot favour or accuse anyone. We are still ready to communicate with all parties, to have an impact towards solving the conflict. Likewise, we need to remember all who have perished in the conflict, as common people often come under fire, they have no option, and there are casualties on both sides. This is often forgotten. Most of all, I pity the children who got caught in the war. May-be we’d need to collect money to help the children that have lost their parents. Now, as I say this, they will again be thinking I’m under some syndrome...

I consider it very important to thank all organisations and people who helped to set us free. I have read that, to a large part, we are obliged for our deliverance to the Russian orthodox patriarch Kirill – I also want to thank him that we are back, alive and well. Often, we forget to thank people or do it casually. I would also like to thank all loved ones, friends, colleagues, and acquaintances who remembered us in this difficult situation.  

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