Again, for now, we’ve made our choice. Some e-voting via computer, others traditionally at ballot boxes. While four years ago we had reason to rejoice over record-breaking voting activity, this time it was somewhat more subdued. In 2009, 60.57 per cent on those entered into lists cast their vote – the best since 1993. This time, we settled for 57.68 per cent. In Tallinn, over the four years, voting activity declined from 65.74 to 63.19 per cent.
Not that the voting activity was bad. Still, the decline needs to be addresses. As revealed by all recent studies, quite a large part of electorate has no clear party-preference – level of such people constantly hovering at around 40 per cent, even slightly higher. This has, by numerous observers, been explained as by-product of mid-term-times when interest towards domestic policy inevitably dwindles. At the same time, trust towards parties has been rather rattled by financing scandals and especially by reactions of top-politicians to these. As shown by activity, this may have had its adverse effect.
Probably, two central questions are most on our minds. Firstly, of course: who and how will be managing live in my own town or commune. Secondly, also, the situation in the capital – definitely a pan-Estonian issue. Clearly, elections in Tallinn were vastly different than ever before, the choice being pretty basic: will the Edgar Savisaar pulled Centre Party keep its absolute majority, in city council?
This being confirmed by the tensions, heating up till the very last; in many ways, all else stood still in the city. The appearance of IRL’s mayor candidate Eerik-Niiles Kross on the Interpol international fugitive list, on Elections Eve, came across as a bombshell. Hopefully, the week ahead will provide some clarity to why it came to be.
Probably, the special situation in Tallinn played a role in historically intensifying/diversifying media coverage. A role played by Postimees with its internet elections studio, featuring live guests and thorough comments, enhanced by direct links with rest of Estonia.
To Estonia’s domestic policy, these local elections will have quite an effect. Results by election coalitions in larger cities may provide a glimpse into how newcomers might do competing with parliamentary parties at next Riigikogu elections. In Tallinn and Tartu, alternatives offered by coalitions stood out more than in times past. Fresh faces drawing attention during this campaign herald changes in parties and wider domestic policy alike.